“၂၀၁၀ ကမၻာ့ လူအခြင့္အေရး၏ တိုက္ပြဲႏွစ္” ျမန္မာ့ေသြးအနီေရာင္ မညစ္ေစနဲ ့။ စစ္က်ြန္ဘ၀လႊတ္ေျမာက္ၾကဖို ့ ေတာ္လွန္ွေရးသို ့့ အသင့္ျပင္

Sunday, April 25, 2010

စက္တင္ဘာလ လႈပ္ရွားမႈတြင္ ကိုယ္တုိင္ ကုိယ္က် ပါဝင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ေသာ ေျမၾသဇာ အဖြဲ႕၏ အျဖစ္အပ်က္မ်ား

ျမန္မာ ျပည္တြင္း ျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ့ေသာ စက္တင္ဘာလ လႈပ္ရွားမႈတြင္ ကိုယ္တုိင္ ကုိယ္က် ပါဝင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ေသာ ျပည္တြင္း ျမန္မာ့အေရး လႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ား အဖြဲ႔ (လူငယ္) လူထု တရပ္လံုး အတြက္ စေတးခံ အေကာင္းဆံုး ေျမၾသဇာ အဖြဲ႔မွ တာဝန္ခံ ကုိေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္၏ စက္တင္ဘာ လႈပ္ရွားမႈ ႏွင့္ ရင္တြင္း ခံစားခ်က္ ……

၂၆ ရက္ေန႔ တြင္ စတင္ ပစ္ခတ္ခံရျပီး အလံု သခင္ျမပန္းျခံဘက္ ခ်ီတက္ေနၾကပံု

ဆရာေတာ္ ဦးေနမိႏၵ ႏွင့္ ေျမၾသဇာ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ား -
က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ျမန္မာႏွိင္ငံမွာ ေမြးဖြား ႀကီးျပင္း ခဲ့တဲ့ တစ္ေလ်ာက္မွာ ဒီ နအဖရဲ႕ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈေအာက္မွာ တစ္သက္လံုး ဒီအတုိင္းၾကီး အေၾကာက္တရား လြမ္းမုိးျပီး ေနသြားလုိ႔ မရေတာ့ဘူးလုိ႔ သိလုိက္ရတဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ အရင္ဆံုး လုပ္ျဖစ္တာက ဒီအက်င့္ပ်က္ အစုိးရကုိ ပယ္ခ်ဖုိ႔ အတြက္ လူထု အေပၚ ထာဝရ ေႏြးေထြးမႈ ေပးႏုိင္မယ္လုိ႔ ယံုၾကည္တဲ့ လူထု ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဆုိတာကုိ အရင္ ေလ့လာ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တယ္။ တဆက္တည္းမွာပဲ ေတြ႔သင့္ သူကုိေတြ႕။ လုိအပ္တဲ့ ပညာ ယူသင့္တာ ယူေဆြးေႏြးသင့္တာ ေတြေဆြးေႏြးျပီးေတာ့ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္တခုကုိ အခုိင္အမာခ်လုိက္တယ္။ လူထု တရပ္လံုးႏွင့္ ေနာင္မ်ိဳးဆက္ အားလံုးအတြက္ေရွ႔မွ မားမားမတ္မတ္ရပ္တည္ေပးမဲ့-အစေတးခံလူငယ္မ်ားနဲ႔ သမုိင္းဝင္ သာဓုကန္ ေစတီ (ေရႊျပည္သာျမိဳ႕သစ္)မွာ အေကာင္းဆံုး ေျမၾသဇာ ဆုိတဲ့ အဖြဲ႔ ဖြဲ႔စည္းၿပီး ေအာက္ပါ အလုပ္ေတြ ဆက္လုပ္ ခဲ့ပါတယ္။။

(၉-၁-၂၀၀၅) ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း အတြင္းရွိ ေက်ာင္းမ်ားမွ လူငယ္မ်ားအား စည္းရံုးျခင္း။ ေက်ာဘက္တြင္ (?) တံဆိပ္နွင့္ ေရွ႕တြင္ စည္းရံုး လႈံ႔ေဆာ္ စာမ်ား ေရးသားထားေသာ (T-shirt)မ်ား အခမဲ့ ျဖန္႔ျဖဴး ဝတ္ေစျခင္း။ ေဘာပင္-ေသာ့ခ်ိတ္)မ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ေဝျခင္း။ နအဖ ဆန္႔က်င္ စာမ်ားအား ေက်ာင္းဝင္း အတြင္း ကပ္ျခင္း။ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္မ်ားရွိ ရပ္ကြက္မ်ား အတြင္း ျဖန္႔ေဝ က်ဲခ်ျခင္း။ အဖြဲ႕လူငယ္ မ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံု ေဆြးေႏြး ဖလွယ္ျခင္းမ်ား စဥ္ဆက္ မပ်က္ ျပဳလုပ္ ခဲ့ပါတယ္။။ ဒီလုိ ျဖတ္သန္း လာရင္းနဲ႔ စက္တင္ဘာ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ လႈပ္ရွားမႈႀကီးမွာ ဆရာေတာ္မ်ားရဲ႕ လံုၿခံဳေရးႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ လူထု တရပ္လံုးႏွင့္ ေက်ာင္းသား လူငယ္ထု တရပ္လံုး ပါဝင္ လႈပ္ရွား ေဆာင္ရြက္ နုိင္ေစဖို႔ အတြက္ ျပည္တြင္း ျမန္မာ့အေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈ အဖြဲ႕မ်ားနည္းတူ တဖက္ တလမ္းက ပါဝင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီလုိ ေဆာင္ရြက္ ခဲ့တဲ့ အတြက္ (နအဖ) မွ လုိက္လံ စံုစမ္း ဖမ္းဆီးဖို႔ ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ သူတုိ႔ ဖမ္းဆီးတာကုိ မခံပဲ လြတ္ေျမာက္ နယ္ေျမကုိ ထြက္လာခဲ့ျခင္း အားျဖင့္ ဆက္လက္ ေတာ္လွန္ သြားမွာ ျဖစ္ျပီး ျပည္တြင္း က်န္ရွိတဲ့ ဗကသ၊ (၈၈) ႏွင့္ က်န္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား။ ျပည္တြင္းရွိ လူထုတရပ္လံုး အတြက္ တက္ႏုိင္တဲ့ ဘက္က ဆက္လက္ လႈပ္ရွား ေဆာင္ရြက္ သြားမယ္ ဆိုတာ အသိေပး လုိက္ပါတယ္။။

စက္တင္ဘာ လႈပ္ရွားမႈ တစိတ္ တေဒသ … … …

(၂၄-၉-၂၀၀၇) - ေရႊတိဂုံ အေရွ႕ဘက္ မုဒ္မွ စတင္ ထြက္ျပီး ဗားကရာလမ္း အတုိင္း။ တဆင့္ လွည္းတန္း လမ္းဆုံ မွတဆင့္ ရွစ္မုိင္ လမ္းဆံု။ တဆင့္ က်ိဳက္ဝိုင္း-ဘုရားလမ္း။ တဆင့္ ကမာၻေအး ဘုရား ရင္ျပင္တြင္ သံဃာ တပ္ေပါင္းစု ဆရာေတာ္မ်ားမွ အေထြေထြ တရားမ်ား ေဟာၾကားၿပီး လမ္းခြဲ …..။

(၂၅-၉-၂၀၀၇) - ေၾကးသြန္း ဘုရားေရွ႕တြင္ သပိတ္ စခန္းဖြင့္ျပီး ေယာက္လမ္း အတုိင္း ခ်ီတက္။ ဆူးေလ ဘုရား ေရွ႕တြင္ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား၊ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား ၊ အႏုပညာရွင္မ်ား မွ တရားေဟာျပီး သိမ္ျဖဴလမ္းအတုိင္း။ တဆင့္ ပုဇြန္ေတာင္။ ေက်ာက္ေျမာင္း တုိ႔မွ ျဖတ္ျပီး ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ပန္းျခံလမ္း။ တဆင့္ ေၾကးသြန္း ဘုရားေရွ႕တြင္ သံဃာ တပ္ေပါင္းစု ဆရာေတာ္မ်ားမွ အေထြေထြ တရားမ်ား ေဟာၾကားျပီး လမ္းခဲြ………။

(၂၆-၉-၂၀၀၇) - ေန႔လည္ (၁၁း၃၀) နာရီ ခန္႔တြင္ ေၾကးသြန္း ဘုရားေရွ႕တြင္ စုေဝး ေရာက္ရွိ ေနေသာ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား၊ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား ႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ လူထု အတြင္းသုိ႔ စစ္ကားမ်ား။ လံုထိန္းကားမ်ား။ နအဖလက္ကုိင္ဒုတ္(ရပ္ကြက္ အတြင္းရွိ ခုိး၊ ဆုိး၊ ႏွိဳက္) မ်ား ဦးေဆာင္ျပီး အၾကမ္းဖက္ ရုိက္ႏွက္၊ ဖမ္းဆီး၊ ႏွိပ္စက္၊ ပစ္ခတ္မႈမ်ား လူမဆန္စြာ ျပဳလုပ္လာ သျဖင့္ ေၾကးသြန္း ဘုရား အေနာက္ဖက္ရွိ ေညာင္တုန္း ေက်ာင္းတုိက္ အတြင္းတြင္ ဆရာေတာ္မ်ား စုစည္းျပီး အင္အား(၇၀၀၀) ခန္႔ျဖင့္ ေရႊွဂံုတုိင္လမ္း အတုိင္း ထြက္ခြါ လာရာ (NLD) ရုံးတြင္းမွ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားႏွင့္ အတူ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ား ပူးေပါင္း ပါဝင္ခ်ီတက္ ဆႏၵျပၾကရာ လမ္းတေလ်ွာက္တြင္ နအဖ အာဏာ မပုိင္မ်ားက မိမိတုိ႔ ကဲ့သုိ႔ အၾကမ္းဖက္ ခံရျပီး ကြဲထြက္သြားေသာ တပ္ေပါင္းစု မ်ားႏွင့္ မစု မိေစရန္္ လုိက္လံျပီး ခ်ီတက္ရာ လမ္းေၾကာင္း ပိတ္ျခင္းမ်ားျဖင့္ လုိက္လံေႏွာက္ယွက္ျခင္း မ်ားျပဳလုပ္ေနေသာ္လည္းဘုရင့္ေနာင္လမ္း(ကႏၷားလမ္း)ရွိ သခင္ျမ ပန္းၿခံ ေရွ႕ထိ ခ်ီတက္ ဆႏၵျပခဲ့ၾကရာ ဆူးေလဘက္ တက္မည့္ ဘက္မွ ပိတ္ဆုိ႔ ထားျခင္း ခံရပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ခ်ီတက္ရာ လမ္းေၾကာင္း ေျပာင္းကာ ဘုရင့္ေနာင္ ဘက္သုိ႔ ထပ္မံ ခ်ီတက္ ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အလံုၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ဆင္မင္း ေစ်းနား အေရာက္တြင္ ေရွ႕ေနာက္ ႏွစ္ဘက္ ညွပ္ျပီး ထပ္မံ ပိတ္ဆုိ႔ ခံရပါတယ္။ (၂) မိနစ္ အတြင္း လူစုခြဲခုိင္းျပီး ပစ္ခတ္။ ရုိက္နွက္ ခံရပါတယ္။ နာရီဝက္ခန္႔ အၾကာတြင္ ဆင္မင္း ေစ်းဘက္မွာ နအဖ အရာရွိမွ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား ျငိမ္သက္ တိတ္ဆိတ္စြာျဖင့္ ႏွွစ္ပါးစီ သြားခြင့္ ျပဳျပီး သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားႏွင့္ လူထုကုိ ျဖိဳခြဲခဲ့ပါတယ္။

(၂၇-၉-၂၀၀၇)- က်ိဳက္ကၠဆံကြင္း အနီး အထက(၃)ေက်ာင္း အေရွ႕တြင္ ဆႏၵျပ ေက်ာင္းသား၊ သံဃာ၊ လူထုအား ဖမ္းဆီး ပိတ္ဆုိ႔ ထားေသာ စစ္တပ္ လံုထိန္းႏွင့္ စြမ္းအားရွင္ မ်ားအား ျပန္လည္ ပိတ္ဆို႔ျပီး ျပန္လြတ္ ေပးရန္ ေတာင္းဆုိျခင္း။ တုိင္ကီ မ်ား ခ်ၿပီး ေတာေခ်ာက္ ေမာင္းထုတ္သလုိ ထုျခင္း ကမာၻမေၾက သီဆုိျခင္းမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ေနခ်ိန္တြင္ ခြတ္ေဒါင္း အလံ လႊင့္ထူျပီး အင္အားျဖည့္ လာေရာက္ ပူးေပါင္းေသာ ေက်ာင္းသား လူငယ္မ်ား။ ေက်ာင္းၾကိဳရန္ ေရာက္ရွိေနေသာ ေက်ာင္းသား မိဘမ်ားႏွင့္ လူထုအား တာေမြ အဝိုင္းထိပ္ မီးပိြဳင့္ဘက္မွ တရၾကမ္း ေမာင္း ဝင္တုိက္သတ္။ ပစ္ခတ္ ၊ ရုိက္ႏွက္၊ ဖမ္းဆီး ေခၚေဆာင္ကာ လူစုခြဲ ျဖိဳခြင္း ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ကႏၷားလမ္း တေလွ်ာက္ ဆႏၵျပေနေသာ ေက်ာင္းသား တပ္ေပါင္းစုႏွင့္ ထပ္မံ အင္အား ျဖည့္ ပါဝင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရာ ဆင္မလုိက္ အေဝးေျပးဝင္း အနီးတြင္ ထပ္မံ ပစ္ခတ္ ၿဖိဳခြဲ လူစုခြဲျခင္း ခံရျပန္ ပါသည္။

၂၅ ရက္ေန႔ ထိ ခ်ီတက္ရာ လမ္းေၾကာင္းတြင္ တစံုတရာ ေႏွာက္ယွက္မႈ မရွိေသာ္လည္း (၂၆) ရက္ေန႔ (၁၁း၃၀) ခန္႔တြင္ ေၾကးသြန္း ဘုရား ေရွ႕တြင္ သပိတ္ စခန္းဖြင့္ ေစာင့္ေနၾကေသာ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား။ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား။ လူထုမ်ား ၾကားထဲသုိ႔ တရုတ္ ႏုိင္ငံမွ လာဘ္ထုိး ထားေသာ (Faw) ကားႀကီး (၆) စီးႏွင့္ စစ္သားမ်ား၊ လုံထိန္းမ်ား၊ဒိုင္နာလုိင္းကား(၃)စီးႏွင့္နအဖ၏ လက္ကုိင္ဒုတ္(ႀကံ့ဖြတ္-စြမ္းအားရွင္မ်ား) မီးသတ္ကား အေသး(၂) စီး တုိ႔ဟာ ယာယီ သပိတ္ စခန္းထဲသုိ႔ တရၾကမ္း ေမာင္းဝင္ ရုိက္ႏွက္ လူစုခြဲခိုင္းျခင္း၊ သံဃာေတာ္ႏွင့္ လူထု တခ်ိဳ႕အား ပိတ္ထား ျခင္းမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ေနမႈ၊ အေပၚ စည္းအျပင္ရွိ လူထုမ်ားမွ ၄င္းတုိ႔အား ဖြင့္ခုိင္းျခင္း ၾကိမ္းေမာင္းျခင္း မ်ိဳးစံုျဖင့္ ဖိအားေပးေနျခင္း အေပၚ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ ငရဲ မေၾကာက္သူမ်ားမွ တဆင့္ တုိးပစ္ခတ္ျခင္း။ မ်က္ရည္ယုိဗံုး ခြဲျခင္းျဖင့္ ထပ္မံ ျပဳလုပ္လာ သျဖင့္ သံဃာ တပ္ေပါင္းစု၊ ေက်ာင္းသား၊လူထုသည္ ဗဟန္း (၃)လမ္း၊ ၾကားေတာရလမ္း၊ ေရႊဂံုတိုင္လမ္း၊ အသီးသီး အဖြဲ႕ ကြဲထြက္ျပီး (၁) နာရီတြင္ စတင္ လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ ဆႏၵျပမည္ ဆုိေသာ္လည္း နအဖ မိစာၱေတြ၏ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေၾကာင့္ အသီးသီး ကြဲထြက္ လာသည့္ အင္အားျဖင့္ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ ဆႏၵျပ ေမတၱာပုိ႔ ထြက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီလုိ ထြက္ခဲ့တဲ့ ခ်ီတက္ရာ လမ္းတေလွ်ာက္မွာလည္း ငယ္ငယ္က စိမ္ေျပးတမ္း ကစားသလုိပဲ လုိက္လံ ေႏွာက္ယွက္ ပိတ္ဆိုု႔မႈမ်ား ေတာက္ေလွ်ာက္ လုပ္လာ ပါတယ္။ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ ေမတၱာပို႔ ဆႏၵျပေနတဲ့ တပ္ေပါင္းစုမွာ လက္နက္ဆုိလုိ႔ အပ္တုိ တေခ်ာင္းေတာင္ မရွိေသာ္လဲ လုိက္လံ ေႏွာက္ယွက္ ေနတဲ့ ဘုရား တည္၊ ေက်ာင္းေဆာက္ ေနတဲ့ ဘုရား တကာေတြရဲ႕ လက္ကုိင္ဒုတ္ တပည့္ေက်ာ္ ေတြရဲ႕ လက္ေတြ ထဲမွာေတာ့ အေသးဆံုး နံပါတ္ဒုတ္နဲ႔ အၾကီးဆံုး(40 နဲ.M-16) တြဲထားတဲ့ လက္နက္ေတြနဲ႔ လစ္ရင္ လစ္သလုိ ေခ်ာင္းတဲ့ ေနရာမွာ အေပ်ာက္ ရုိက္ျဖိဳခြင္းဖုိ႔ လုိက္လံ ေႏွာက္ယွက္ ပိတ္ဆုိ႔မႈေတြ လုပ္ေသာ္လဲ သံဃာ တပ္ေပါင္းစု ခ်ီတက္ရာ လမ္းတေလွ်ာက္မွာ လူထု ပါဝင္လာျခင္း။ ဆရာေတာ္မ်ား ကံေဆာင္ျခင္း အေပၚ ဝမ္းသာ မ်က္ရည္ဆို႔ျခင္း၊ နအဖ အၾကမ္းဖက္ျခင္း အေပၚ ေမတၱာပ်က္ ဝမ္းနည္း မ်က္ရည္ ဆို႔ျခင္း မ်ားျဖင့္ အားေပး ဆုေတာင္းမႈမ်ား ရွိခဲ့ျခင္း မ်ားျဖင့္ ကံေဆာင္ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား။ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား။ NLD လူငယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ လူထု အတြက္ အားျဖစ္ေပၚလ်က္ ဆက္လက္ ခ်ီတက္ ဆႏၵျပ ေမတၱာပုိ႔ ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။။

((( စာႂကြင္း - ခ်ီတက္ရာ လမ္းတေလွ်ာက္တြင္ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားမွ ေမတၱာပုိ႔ျခင္း။ NLDလူငယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေက်ာင္းသား လူငယ္မ်ားမွ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား၏ လံုျခံဳေရး အတြက္ လက္ျခင္းခ်ိတ္ျပီး ေဘးဘယ္ညာ ကာရံ ေပးထားျခင္း။ ဘာသာ ေပါင္းစံု ပါဝင္ေသာ လူထုမွ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား လူထု အတြက္ နအဖ ကုိ ေမတၱာပုိ႔ အမွ်ေဝျခင္း အေပၚနအဖ မွ အၾကမ္းဖက္သည့္ အတြက္ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ဆႏၵျပ ျပည္သူ လူထုႀကိီးတုိ႔ ဘုရား ေျခေတာ္ရင္း ေတြမွာ ေသြးေျမက် ကုန္ပါျပီ။ သံဃာေတာ္ မ်ားကုိ လက္အုပ္ခ်ီ ပူေဇာ္ေပးပါ။ အားေပးပါ။ ပူးေပါင္း ပါဝင္ၾကပါဟု လမ္းတေလွ်ာက္ ေႂကြးေၾကာ္ ၾကပါတယ္ )))

ေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ (တာဝန္ခံ)
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Tun Lin said...

BEYOND 1988 — REFLECTIONS - The ABSDF Split

By AUNG NAING OO

Tuesday, April 20, 2010

The All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF) was about three years old when, during its third ABSDF Congress, it split into two groups in 1991, precipitated by infighting and alleged extrajudicial killings.

One group was led by Dr. Naing Aung, a medical doctor, and the other by Moe Thee Zun, a student leader who came to prominence along with Min Ko Naing during the 1988 uprising.

It took five years for us to reunify. Unlike some other resistance groups, however, we did not spill blood to achieve reconciliation. But we were not without problems.

Looking back, the signs of a split were already evident during the previous congresses. In the Congress held in late 1989—the last one before the split, Moe Thee Zun was lucky to get elected to the top leadership position by a clear margin.

His election to the chairmanship of the group happened partly thanks to the then incumbent Chairman Htun Aung Gyaw, who now lives in the US, who himself was not elected to the leadership.

In that congress, Htun Aung Gyaw proposed a fundamental change in leadership election, which was supported by two or three delegates. Previously, the chairman and his deputy were elected by the Central Committee (CC), which was made up of some 30 to 40 leaders.

But Htun Aung Gyaw suggested to the Congress that both leaders—the chairman and his deputy —be elected directly by the some 100 delegates representing various camps located along the Thai, India, Bangladesh and Chinese borders with Burma.

Perhaps, he knew what was at stake. I had a feeling he had lost faith in the CC that he had led. He might even have felt betrayed by some of the CC leaders for pushing him out of the leadership contest. Now they were poised to be elected again to the CC.

After some deliberations, the majority of the delegates supported the idea. As a result, the change in the election system gave Moe Thee Zun the grassroots votes, and he won the election. He could not have won the leadership otherwise because it was evident when the election for the CC members took place, that the majority was made up of allies or people close to Naing Aung.

Naing Aung placed second so they became the chairman and vice chairman respectively.

However, the crux of the problem—the factionalism—remained with the organization and set the stage for the eventual split in the Third Congress in 1991. It was a mix of personal rivalry, management style and perhaps ideological differences.

The Congress where we split was held in Marnerplaw, the KNU’s headquarters, in the middle of the rainy season.

The best thing about the split Congress was the spy case of Win Naing Nyein (See: “Justice has a place in the law of the jungle,” The Irrawaddy, August 1, 2008), who was accused of espionage and had been sentenced to death. After an appeal as per ABSDF laws, the case was extensively discussed, and he was finally acquitted and set free from his detention in KNU’s 6th Brigade area.

It was the first item on the agenda. After that debate and decision, the cracks emerged.

Moe Thee Zun’s group accused Naing Aung’s group of condoning the extrajudicial killings of ABSDF members who committed crimes that were not punishable by death and protecting some of the perpetrators. Moe Thee Zun’s faction also accused the other group of not believing in the ABSDF’s policy of armed struggle and support for federalism.

In turn, Naing Aung group accused Moe Thee Zun of not adhering to the principle of democracy, by refusing to enter into elections and for not cooperating with the group’s leadership.

There were other problems. Before the congress, Naing Aung, then the vice chairman, and several CC members who were close to him were dismissed from the central body of the organization. I do not remember the reasons for their dismissals, but that became one of the unspoken sore points in the split.

Tun Lin said...

Moe Thee Zun was not fully innocent. Despite being the chairman, he thought he could not carry out ABSDF policies due to the lack of support within the organization. So he teamed up with others outside the official group to form a group called the “Taw Hlan Committee” or the Revolutionary Committee. That procedure and tactical blunder became a rallying point for Naing Aung’s group to work against Moe Thee Zun.

As the tensions in the Congress became abundantly apparent, KNU and other alliance leaders intervened to try to broker reconciliation. KNU Chairman Gen Bo Mya particularly played a critical and grandfatherly role to prevent the breakup. He organized meetings of ABSDF leaders outside the Congress and urged all leaders to stay together.

As I was not a key leader in either faction, I was never asked to participate in the meetings.

In order to help seal the cracks, Gen Bo Mya even ordered that a cow and a pig be slaughtered in a special feast for us at the Congress. He also brought in a preacher to give us a sermon on the virtue of unity. His intention was to get the message of unity to the grassroots delegates beyond the feuding leaders.

After eating rice, fish paste and watery soup for more a month during the Congress, we were thrilled by the delicious and abundant food provided by the KNU. The sermon was also inspiring. But the division was deep within the organization, and the two sides did not listen to the elder revolutionary leaders.

Gen Bo Mya was upset and then angry. So after more than a month of the open-ended Congress, he kicked us out of Marnerplaw. He did not want the split to take place in his headquarters.

So we moved the Congress to Salween camp on the Salween River. Once we got there things got worse, with the heat of the exchanges intensifying with the two main issues at loggerhead with each other. At one point, Nay Win Aung, a leader from Naing Aung’s group, surrounded the hall where the Congress was held with the ABSDF soldiers from that camp.

We did not have time to find out the intention—whether it was intended to force Moe Thee Zun to enter the election or all the delegates to unify. But as we learned that we were being surrounded, we were outraged. After that there was no turning back to cordial discussions.

Moe Three Zun’s group was in the minority supported by his former colleagues from the Democratic Party for a New Society and leaders from the cities. Naing Aung’s group was the majority, supported by the leadership from provincial areas. Moe Thee Zun continued to press the issue of extrajudicial killings, and Naing Aung geared up for the election, which he believed would restore his leadership in the ABSDF.

Soon, Moe Thee Zun moved to another camp call Law Kwa Lu, which was within walking distance from Salween camp. I stayed behind at the Congress site.

It was a sad day, and I realized that what I had come to stand for had come to nothing. I felt like three precious years had been wasted. I was upset that Moe Thee Zun had left the Congress venue. At the same time, I did not want Naing Aung’s group to call for unilateral elections.

In the end, the split had gone too deep. But I did not intend to give up. So I often spent time at another student camp, called Saw Hta, located between Salween and Law Kwa Lu camps, so that I could shuttle back and forth between the two rival groups.

During this time, I did all I could to stop the break-up the organization. I shuttled back and forth between the two camps to try to convince leaders from both sides on the importance of unity. One night, I went around Salween camp to see leaders and friends who had now sided with Naing Aung. Close to tears, I pleaded with them not to go ahead with the election and to try to talk to the Moe Thee Zun faction.

Tun Lin said...

I also visited Moe Thee Zun and urged him to talk with the other faction. But he maintained his stance and refused to participate in the election.

All my requests fell on deaf ears. I believe others like me must have made similar efforts, but to no avail. Disappointed, I did not participate in the election when Naing Aung went ahead with the election unilaterally a few days later.

Before the election, however, two close friends—Mahn Htun (now in Australia) and Soe Khaing (now in the US) —who would join the election in favor of Naing Aung came to see me with an offer. I realized that it came from Naing Aung.

They said that I did not need to participate in the election and that I would be given the same title and job as the assistant foreign secretary to Dr. Thaung Htun (now with the exiled government). I declined their offer.

But the election day was particularly hard for me. With a walkie-talkie that did not work properly, I shuttled back and forth between groups in a last ditch attempt to persuade them to talk. I failed miserably. No one wanted to listen to me.

As Naing Aung group held the election, I sat at the entrance of a hut in Saw Hta camp and contemplated my future. I was very upset as I realized that we, a young and idealist organization, still could not escape from our country’s deep-rooted culture of factionalism. We were no different; we were just like other resistance movements before us.

In the end, seven delegates—Win Min, all four delegates from Arakan, Myint Thein from a southern camp and myself —did not participate in the election and remained neutral in the split.

Seeing no future myself in the now divided organization, I decided to go to 6th Brigade to become a high school teacher. But this plan never materialized.

Two months after the split, I joined Moe Thee Zun’s group and others followed suit. We all somehow believed Moe Thee Zun was the better leader with a national appeal.

Win Min joined us much later, after repeated overtures from Moe Thee Zun’s group.

But it was not just the leadership that was divided; the camps were also broken up. Some camps supported one group or the other without any split within, but others cracked right in the middle, and comrades-in-arm became estranged overnight. The ABSDF Northern Branch with some 800 members sided with the Naing Aung group.

The split was devastating for many at the grassroots level. They had devoted three hard years to the organization in the hope that it would help bring freedom and democracy to Burma. Now they saw the leadership infighting. Disillusioned, many left the ABSDF and became refugees in Bangkok.

We were not the only people who remained neutral in the split. Mae Tha Mee camp, where we held our Second Congress a year earlier, was split into three groups with two supporting the divided leadership respectively and the majority—some 200 students—remaining neutral in the split. There was another smaller group from 6th Brigade area that did not join any group.

But the split did not end there. The ABSDF break-up reverberated among ethnic allies—for instance, Gen Bo Mya favored Moe Thee Zun over Naing Aung though it was not too obvious in public. Beyond the Burmese borders, our overseas supporters also sided with respective groups, completing the divide.

In the end, the split was painful and the two groups became more antagonistic, which made the reunification more difficult. In the final analysis though, we gained nothing from the split, but the painful experience.

http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=18277

 
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