စစ္အာဏာရွင္ႏွင့္ အဆက္အႏြယ္မ်ားအား ေစာင့္ၾကည္႔ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေရးအဖြဲ႔မွ ေပးပို႔လာတဲ့စာ....
ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ႕မွာ မေန႔က စ၍လံုျခံဳေရးမ်ား အထူးတင္းၾကပ္လွ်က္ရွိေၾကာင္း ျပည္တြင္းမွ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ႏွင့္ အဆက္အႏြယ္မ်ားအား ေစာင့္ၾကည္႔ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေရးအဖြဲ႕ဆိုတဲ့ အမည္နဲ႔ အီးေမးလ္ကေန ဆက္သြြယ္ ေပးပို႔လာတာကို ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ပါတယ္။
မေန႔က စျပီးရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ႕ေပၚမွာ လံုထိန္းကားမ်ား တစ္ျမိဳ႕လံုး လွည္႔ပတ္ေနတယ္။ လံုထိန္းကားေတြ ည(၁)နာရီအထိ ကင္းလွည္႔လွ်က္ ရွိေနတယ္။ စစ္သားေတြကို ၾကံ့ခိုင္ေရးရုံးေတြမွာ လံုျခဳံေရးခ်ထားတယ္။ အရင္က ၾကံခိုင္ေရးရုံးခ်ဳပ္မွာပဲ ရဲေတြကိုပဲ လံုျခဳံေရးခ်ထားတာ။ အခုရဲေတြကို မထားေတာ့ပဲ ယူနီေဖာင္းအျပည္႔ လက္နက္အျပည္႔နဲ႔ အနည္းဆံုး စစ္သား၃ေယာက္ကေန ၅ေယာက္အထိ ၾကံခိုင္ေရးရုံးခ်ဳပ္မွာတင္ မကပဲ ၾကံခိုင္ေရးျမိဳ႕နယ္ရုံးေတြအထိ လံုျခဳံေရးခ်ထားတယ္။ ေနာက္ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ႕ေနရာအႏွံအျပားနဲ႔ ကားမွတ္တိုင္ေတြ မွာလံုျခဳေရးေတြ အျပည္႔ခ်ထားတာကို ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ႕ေနလူထုမွာ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ လံုျခဳံေရးမ်ား ထူထပ္စြာ ခ်ထားမႈ အေပၚစိုးရိမ္မႈေတြ ျဖစ္ေပၚလွ်က္ရွိေၾကာင္း သတင္းေပးပို႔လာပါတယ္။
စစ္အာဏာရွင္ႏွင့္ အဆက္အႏြယ္မ်ားအား ေစာင့္ၾကည္႔ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေရးအဖြဲ႕ ကိုျပည္တြင္းမွ မ်ိဳးခ်စ္ တက္ၾကြလူငယ္မ်ားျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းထားေၾကာင္း စစ္အာဏာရွင္ႏွင့္ အဆက္အႏြယ္မ်ားအား ေစာင့္ၾကည္႔ေဖာ္ထုတ္သြားမွာ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ၂၀၁၀စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြရဲ႕ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို အနီးကပ္ေစာင့္ၾကည္႕သြားမွာ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေဖာ္ျပပါရွိျပီး ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ရက္အနည္းငယ္က ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံမွာ ဂ်ပန္အစိုးရရဲ႕ ပညာေတာ္သင္ စားရိတ္ျဖင့္ တိုက်ိဳျမိဳ႕ Shinagawa ျမိဳ႕နယ္ရွိ Kaiyo တကၠသိုလ္မွာ ၂၀၀၅ခုႏွစ္ကတည္းက လာေရာက္ ပညာသင္ၾကားေနတဲ့ ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳေတာ္ဝန္ ဗိုလ္မႈးခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္သိန္းလင္းရဲ႕ သမီးျဖစ္သူ ေမြးျမဴေရးႏွင့္ေရလုပ္ငန္းဝန္ၾကီး႒ာနတြင္ လုပ္ကိုင္ေနသူရဲ႕ သတင္းအေသးစိတ္ ကိုလည္း အမည္ႏွင့္တကြ ေရးသား ေပးပို႔လာပါတယ္။ ယင္းအဖြဲ႔မွ ျပည္ပႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ေရာက္ရွိေနတဲ့ စစ္အာဏာရွင္မ်ားရဲ႕ သားသမီးမ်ားကို ဆက္လက္ စံုစမ္းေဖာ္ထုတ္လွ်က္ရွိေၾကာင္း အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံမွာ ေရာက္ရွိေနတဲ့ စစ္အာဏာရွင္မ်ားရဲ႕ သားသမီးေတြလည္း ရွိေၾကာင္း အမည္ႏွင့္တကြ ေမးလ္ကေန ေပးပို႔လာပါတယ္။
http://www.demowaiyan.co.cc/2010/05/blog-post_9905.html
Saturday, May 08, 2010
ၾကည့္တယ္ ျမင္တယ္ ေဖာ္ထုတ္မယ္..
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Life or death for Suu Kyi's party?
By NYUNT SHWE
Special to The Japan Times
on The Japan Times, Sunday, May 2, 2010
The incumbent regime in Myanmar is asking all interest groups, until Thursday, to form political parties and register within 60 days. All unregistered parties will cease to exist under the new election laws. The National League for Democracy (NLD) party has openly boycotted the election laws, and has decided to pursue civil action when the regime abolishes it. Some people view this as courageous, but this decision is shortsighted and irresponsible.
I have just finished graduate study in foreign studies at Tokyo University at the age of 64, going nearly $50,000 in debt, but I have found the knowledge gained from the experience worthwhile. Change is in the wind but not in the way that Aung San Suu Kyi and her colleagues would like.
Whether the world believes it or not, Myanmar is heading for democracy, but the transition will take time. The new form of parliamentary dictatorship could, initially, replace the military dictatorship with the incumbent regime's proxies at the helm alongside limited liberalizations that will eventually open up opportunities toward political democracy in the end.
It is too naive to expect a fair and just democratic election under the strong, cohesive and resourceful military government. That never happens anywhere in the world where such military regimes exist. The Myanmar military is talking about democracy for the future while ruling with terror at present — as Guillermo O'Donnell and C. Philippe Schmitter have pointed out in their 1986 book, "Transition from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions About Uncertain Democracies."
However, other military regimes have become democracies in the past. Look at how Chile changed from the ruthless Pinochet dictatorship to its present democratic government. Most of the Chilean opposition parties initially opposed Pinochet's constitution in 1980, but most of them accepted it near the end of 1986 after they failed to find alternatives. The opposition won the plebiscite by majority three years later and ruled the country under Pinochet's constitution.
Chile has amended its undemocratic constitution over the past 16 years whenever it saw the political opportunity to do so and reached full democracy in 2005.
Aung San Suu Kyi and her colleagues have suffered much abuse and confinement. But just having the courage to bear and confront the oppression cannot define the leadership. Politics is never static.
I won't say the Myanmar military regime is likable or desirable, but the opposition has yet to put their feet in its shoes. To safeguard the lives of its leaders and their wealth, the oppressive regime is more determined than ever not to yield to the demands of opponents.
The West has isolated and punished the regime with various sanctions and humiliations, but not the rest of the world. China and Russia protected it while providing necessary assistance. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations is ineffective, as many of the nine members (besides Myanmar) have their own problems, and the statutes of the organization have limitations.
Under this international reality, the Myanmar opposition must consider reversing their previous decision to boycott the election and party registration before the deadline. It should not forget and abandon the people who gave it an overwhelming mandate in the 1990 election, though the military regime nullified the election result.
If Chilean main opposition parties were able to accept and cooperate with the Pinochet dictatorial regime, why not NLD with the Than Shwe military regime? The Democratic Alliance in Chile didn't abandon the people, but brought them along to democracy in the end. NLD must seriously think about it.
Of course, accepting the regime's electoral laws mean abandoning Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners. However, the chance will come in the future to reinstate most of them in the party. Ousting Suu Kyi from the party is not something new, and forbidding her to participate in the election isn't the first time either. The military regime had used Article 74(a) of the 1947 Constitution — written by her father Aung San and his council before he was assassinated — to exclude Suu Kyi from the 1990 election. The regime uses its own constitution to bar her not only from elections but also from party membership.
Whether those restrictions are right or wrong, they will be decided eventually by the Myanmar people. At present, the Myanmar people have no such rights; therefore, the safe way for the party to survive and share a big chunk of the electoral seats is to comply with the existing laws, especially since no one can change them effectively.
NLD still has ample chance to win a majority of seats, but by boycotting the election and allowing the party to be branded an outlaw means abandoning the people. Working outside of party politics and achieving democracy through social works and civil resistance under present conditions in Myanmar is a daydream. NLD should be more pragmatic.
There are many other parties that registered with the election committee, including ethnic-based parties. Whether the West recognizes it or not, the election is likely to be held by yearend. Accusing non-NLD politicians of being unreliable, unpatriotic, corruptible and opportunist is groundless and undemocratic. The Myanmar people desire a change as they are fed up with the military dictatorship.
The new government will be a quasi-civilian one, working together with civilian politicians and soldiers. We can expect certain political opportunities to open up from time to time to make the government more democratic. The mutual trust now lacking between the military regime and civil politicians can only be developed by engagement. This is the only option we have now.
Of course, participation by NLD will give the military regime more credibility, but it doesn't care much about that. If NLD were dismantled without a proxy party left behind, then those party members who had vowed to strive for democracy in Myanmar would appear to have deceived the people.
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"Nyunt Shwe" is a freelance journalist and former township leader of the National League for Democracy. He has lived in Tokyo since 1991.
What Myanmar people need most?
Japan Times, Sunday, May 9, 2010
READERS IN COUNCIL
By NYAN WIN MAUNG
Thayang, Thailand
I applaud Nyunt Shwe for his clearsighted and pragmatic advocacy in the May 2article, "Life or death for Aung San Suu Kyi's party?" Isolation and embargoes imposed by foreign countries have never brought any good to ordinary people. Cuba and North Korea are standing indictments against flawed American and European foreign policies.
The embargo against Cuba stems from U.S. humiliation during the missile crisis (1962) and was never about human rights or democracy. If anything, Cuba was infested with freewheeling American mafia capitalists before Fidel Castro took over.
After the first Persian Gulf War, sanctions against Iraq served only to deprive Iraqi children (not Saddam Hussein) of medicine, nutrition and clean water. While the likes of Madeleine Albright and Bill Clinton are highly regarded in some parts of the world, what they allowed to happen to the Iraqi children is nothing less than criminal.
As an ASEAN citizen, I hate to see Myanmar isolated and its people suffer further. Examples of constructive engagement, such as IT outsourcing in areas near the Myanmar-India border and subcontractors in areas bordering China, are helping Myanmar people more than useless sermons about human rights and democracy.
Myanmar is a good example of how well-intentioned foreign intervention in a country's domestic situation ends up in failure.
By now, most of the crusading foreign forces along the Af-Pak border must realize that democracy does not happen overnight, or in nine years for that matter. Nor will democracy take root as a result of careless American drone bombings.
What the Myanmar people need is three square meals a day, warm clothing and secure shelter against cyclones. In the nearly 20 years since she garnered a Nobel Prize, I have yet to see the benefits of Suu Kyi's blind faith and unyielding obstinacy. I truly hope that this resistance is not just about her.
The opinions expressed in this letter to the editor are the writer's own and do not necessarily reflect the policies of The Japan Times.
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